A recent New York Times data analysis found keeping schools closed had very little public health benefit, but disastrous harms on children’s learning and development.
Last year, German health minister Karl Lauterbach did something politicians almost never do unless they’ve been caught with their pants down: He apologized. Closing schools for long periods during thehave had ample opportunities to account for their roles in a slow-motion disaster that began almost exactly four years ago, when schools closed “temporarily” in the earliest days of the coronavirus pandemic.on March 23, 2020, that it was moving to remote learning for the rest of the year.
Grievances tend to work on voters more than promises, I have found. The grievances of parents—mothers in suburban swing districts, for instance—could hurt Biden much the way they did former Virginia Gov.that children, for the most part, don’t get especially sick with COVID-19. And around that time we also knew that schools were never the viral incubators some claimed they were bound to become. Studies from, and other countries confirmed as much.
Most chilling of all was the transparently disingenuous defense of school closures by Becky Pringle, head of the powerful National Education Association , of which First Lady Jill Biden is a member. Pringle preposterously told MacGillis that if schools reopened, some 50,000 children would die. But no news outlet fact-checked her. No one accused Pringle of peddling misinformation, the way they would have if a conservative had made so flagrantly baseless an assertion.
Four years ago, we were lost in the “fog of war.” The fog was thick at first, but by May it did begin to lift. We started to understand the true threat of the virus, whom it harmed and for whom it was a very minor risk. Yet in many highly-populated jurisdictions governed by Democrats, nothing changed. It was almost as if they longed for the fog to stay.
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