While the Bharatiya Janata Party lost seats in India’s elections, the architecture of Hindutva fascism remains intact.
India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi gestures at the Bharatiya Janata Party headquarters to celebrate the party's win in country's general election, in New Delhi on June 4, 2024.India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi gestures at the Bharatiya Janata Party headquarters to celebrate the party's win in country's general election, in New Delhi on June 4, 2024.
How damningly telling of the international community’s willingness to sacrifice Indians to the BJP’s “stable” fascism for the interest of capitalist accumulation. For the last 10 years, world rulers operating according to this execrable equation have“the friendship between our nations as we unlock a shared future of unlimited potential.
In the furtherance of this neofascist project, almost every Indian state institution has been turned into a bastion of ethnonationalist supremacism:less “biased” and more “inspiring,” by expurgating Muslims from Indian history and extolling Hindutva’s fascist antecedents; for example, with chapters“strengthen the activities of national disintegration, reckless behaviour in the name of personal freedom, freedom of Jammu and Kashmir.
In the face of this permitted state terror and limited possibilities for transformation through the official channels of opposition, Indian organizations, movements, activists, lawyers and scholars — including those we spoke to for this piece — continue to bravely attempt to create the conditions for a world organized differently.
As prominent Indian Muslim peace and pluralism advocate Irfan Engineer told us, “Authoritarian government in one country encourages authoritarianism in other countries. The threat to human rights in one country is a threat to human rights world over. So we have to stand up together for democracy, for human rights, for humanization.
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