NATO should prove its unity and intent by immediately deploying its 40,000-strong rapid-reaction force to the frontline states. These troops will add credibility to its doctrine that an attack on one member is an attack on all
ordered by Russia’s president, Vladimir Putin, had acquired a sickening inevitability. Yet nothing about this war was inevitable. It is a conflict entirely of his own making. In the fighting and the misery that is to come, much Ukrainian and Russian blood will be spilled. Every drop of it will be splattered on Mr Putin’s hands.
To hear Mr Putin on the eve of the invasion, he would like the world to believe that he will stop at nothing. In his battle speech, recorded on February 21st and released as he unleashed the first volleys of cruise missiles against his fellow Slavs, Russia’s president railed against “the empire of lies” that is the West. Crowing over his nuclear arsenal, heEarly reports, some unconfirmed, only underlined the scale of his ambition.
That is why, should Mr Putin seize a large swathe of Ukraine, the gatherer of the lands will not stop to make peace at its borders. He may not invade thecountries that were once in the Soviet empire, at least not at first. But, bloated by victory, he will subject them to thein this way, because he has come to believe thatthreatens Russia and its people. Speaking earlier this week, he raged at the alliance’s eastward expansion.
. They must choose how and where to repel Mr Putin and his armies and proxies, should he install a puppet government in Kyiv.is not about to deploy troops to Ukraine—rightly so, for fear of a confrontation between nuclear powers. But its members should give Ukraine assistance by providing arms, money and shelter to refugees and, if need be, a government in exile.
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