President Biden's change in tone regarding Israel's war in Gaza is starting to resonate with those who did not support him in the primary, although activists believe he still has work to do in repairing his coalition.
The president’s tone shift on Israel ’s war in Gaza is reaching those who refused to support him in the primary, but activists say he’s only beginning to repair his coalition.Welcome to Trail Mix, your 2024 election sanity guide. See something interesting on the trail? Email me at [email protected]. To get Trail Mix in your inbox,
Others on the left are sensing a shift in Biden, too, and are crediting the movement’s persistent organizing. Attendees listen to speeches during an "Uncommitted for Joe Biden" primary election night watch party on February 27, 2024 in Dearborn, Michigan.In 2020, Biden won Michigan by 154,000 votes. In other states with substantial pro-Palestinian activist forces, the margin was even narrower—like Pennsylvania, where Biden won by 81,000 votes in 2020.
Geevarghese said Biden needs to use the power of the purse to win these voters back. That’s where conditional aid comes in. “Base voters who care about this issue want to see the U.S. government use its leverage, not just the bully pulpit—and the leverage here is financial,” he told The Daily Beast. “There's enough occasional voters to make up the difference,” Ellison said, citing the cities of Flint and Detroit as two prime examples where the Democrats could boost turnout in Michigan. “And by the way, I think that this debate the uncommitteds are driving is healthy, we do need to discuss this issue. So I don’t begrudge those folks at all.”
“The President believes making your voice heard and participating in our democracy is fundamental to who we are as Americans,” campaign spokesperson Charles Lutvak told The Daily Beast in an email. “He shares the goal for an end to the violence and a just, lasting peace in the Middle East. He’s working tirelessly to that end.”
Unless the president continues to shift in rhetoric and policy, she said, “he’s putting Benjamin Netanyahu ahead of his own re-election.”earlier this week that he would leave abortion decisions to states—with the obvious implication being that he wouldn’t sign a national abortion ban—managed toBut according to several Republicans tasked with winning down-ballot races in November—especially House and Senate races—Trump’s statement was a salvation.
That kind of focused attention would be a departure from the party’s strategy in 2022, when, the operative said, Republicans “buried our heads in the sand” on abortion. For months, Republican operatives advising House and Senate candidates have been urging candidates to oppose a national abortion ban and support exceptions, like in cases of rape, incest, and when the life of the mother is threatened. All of those positions are backed up by internal GOP polling.
The reaction since then, however, suggests the primary is hardly done. The former congressman has been taking heat from across the GOP spectrum, from the MAGA wing to those who oppose Trump.A Reagan-era Republican who left Congress months before Trump launched his 2016 campaign, Rogers is an odd fit with a GOP base that craves extreme rhetoric and a fire-and-brimstone vibe from its candidates.
At the core of Amash’s case is outrage over Rogers’ tenure as chairman of the House Intelligence Committee—which, ironically, may resonate with a MAGA faction that is deeply suspicious of the “Deep State.”as having “repeatedly weaponized the government against Americans” as “the chief advocate of warrantless surveillance programs like FISA 702,” a statute that has authorized wiretapping of foreigners by U.S. intelligence agencies.
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