But it has not blocked his return to the White House
Save time by listening to our audio articles as you multitaskDemocratic leaders have been saying for years that Mr Trump and his cult-like following threaten the republic, and they’re right. They have not acted accordingly. Through a mix of magical political thinking, internal bickering and mismanagement, they have sharpened and handed back to him two of his three most potent causes: crime and illegal immigration.
Even memories of how Mr Trump whipped up the attack on the Capitol might have faded, or been challenged and revised, were it not for the excellent work of the January 6th committee investigating the insurrection. The committee’s nine members have not only kept the political class, and much of the rest of the nation, from looking away from that day.
In a sign that the committee’s work is not reaching, or at least not persuading, many Americans, the same poll found that fully three-quarters of Republican primary voters believe that on January 6th Mr Trump was “just exercising his right to contest the election”. If Mr Trump reached the general-election campaign, he would be able to count on the polarisation of American politics to draw the party together behind him, as in 2016.
“We will fight for America like no one has ever fought before,” he said, after 90 minutes of fear-mongering and rambling. “The tyrants we are fighting do not stand even a little chance.” It’s like sitting in gridlocked summer traffic as a New York cab driver leans on his horn; you feel helpless, bludgeoned, you just want it to stop. But Mr Trump’s blaring matters. His talk is dangerous regardless of what he does—dangerous if he does not run; more dangerous if he runs and loses again; most dangerous if he runs and wins. Had Mr Trump conceded defeat, however ungraciously, his path back to the White House would be wide open.
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