An in-depth analysis of the evolving UK-EU relationship a decade after Brexit, examining shifting political attitudes, ongoing negotiations, and the practical obstacles to any UK re-entry into the European Union.
Roughly ten years ago, the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union by a narrow margin of 52 to 48 percent. In the years since Brexit , public opinion has shifted noticeably, and there are growing signs that the decision to leave is being openly questioned by some within the governing Labour Party .
Notably, after his resignation as Health Secretary, Wes Streeting-a senior Labour figure and vocal critic of Prime Minister Keir Starmer-declared that leaving the European Union was a mistake and argued that Britain's future lies within Europe. This statement sparked outrage among Brexit supporters and fueled speculation that a future Labour leader might adopt a far more ambitious approach to relations with the EU.
However, both the outrage and the speculation tend to overlook key logistical questions: Where does the UK currently stand in its relationship with the EU? What would it realistically take for the UK to rejoin the EU? And how might the EU respond to such an overture? \n\nTo understand the current UK-EU dynamic, it is helpful to briefly review the path since the June 23, 2016, referendum.
After a lengthy transition period, Brexit formally took effect under the terms of the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA), which remains the legal foundation for most aspects of the bilateral relationship. While subsequent Conservative governments attempted to boost growth by repealing large swaths of EU law, many of those regulations remain on UK statute books.
Moreover, the UK did not fully capitalize on its newfound regulatory autonomy, making only limited adjustments-primarily in financial services. When the Labour government under Keir Starmer came to power, it initiated a process of modestly amending the TCA, but it explicitly ruled out rejoining the customs union, the single market, or restoring free movement of people.
Instead, the government has pursued targeted agreements in areas such as the mutual recognition of professional qualifications, linking emissions trading systems, potential participation in the EU's internal electricity market, and a youth mobility scheme. Security cooperation has also been emphasized, particularly in light of former President Donald Trump's questioning of longstanding US security commitments to Europe. \n\nOver a year since the UK-EU summit that launched this reset, concrete results have been modest.
France secured a 12-year extension to its fishing rights deal, which exceeded its initial demands, but beyond that there has been little visible progress and some setbacks. Most prominent was the collapse of talks on UK participation in the EU's Security Action for Europe (SAFE) program, which aimed to accelerate joint defense procurement. The UK objected to the program's cost and governance structure, exposing the gap between rhetoric and practical alignment.
Negotiations continue on technical areas earmarked for closer cooperation, but predictable friction persists-especially over the EU's demand that the UK align with EU laws without having a say in their formation, and over the UK's proposed cap on numbers for youth mobility, which the EU finds unacceptable. The EU also insists that European students in UK universities should pay the same "home" tuition fees as domestic students, a major financial sticking point.
Ambiguity around a planned second UK-EU summit-postponed from May to June and now tentatively set for July-underscores the slow pace of negotiations. A crucial asymmetry is evident: the UK government is eager to dismantle trade barriers and deepen ties, while the EU does not share the same urgency. For EU policymakers, deals on agriculture or electricity are lower priorities compared to their British counterparts, and the EU is linking economic negotiations to progress on youth mobility.
\n\nIn the May local elections, Labour leadership tensions spilled into the open. Leadership hopeful Wes Streeting deliberately foregrounded EU relations in his campaign, igniting fevered speculation about whether the UK is preparing for a fundamental shift in its EU approach-even a possible application to rejoin. Yet Streeting's pronouncements deserve careful scrutiny. He stopped short of explicitly advocating re-accession and framed his comments within the context of "making Brexit work" through closer cooperation.
The idea of rejoining the EU remains politically explosive, fraught with constitutional, legal, and economic obstacles. The EU would likely view any application with extreme caution, given the disruptive precedent of a former member's departure and return. Any realistic path back would require the UK to accept the euro, Schengen, and full integration-steps that are currently unthinkable across the British political spectrum.
For now, the Starmer government's strategy is one of pragmatic reconstruction: mending fences with Europe without reopening the Brexit question itself
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