The justices would be wise to rest on their summer holiday; more fraught quarrels await in October. At least four cases exploring the power and the contours of administrative agencies are on the docket
for accepting lavish gifts from billionaires). In June the liberal justices found two or more conservative justices to join them in stemming an erosion of voting rights, averting a challenge to the Indian Child Welfare Act, shooting down a red-state attack on Mr Biden’s immigration policies and rejecting a fringe democracy-bending idea called theBut none of these wins—as those verbs suggest—advanced a progressive goal.
By contrast, a flurry of transformative 6-3 rulings for conservatives came in the final days of June. Inthe six-justice supermajority ended the court’s blessing for race-consciousit scrapped Mr Biden’s plan to bring debt relief to 43m student borrowers. And init gave a Christian web designer the green light to make wedding websites for straight couples only—and to flag on her own site that she shuns same-sex weddings.
Weighing outcomes of argued cases goes only part of the way toward grasping the extent of the court’s ideological divide. Every year, thousands of votes are placed behind the scenes responding to emergency requests and deciding which cases the justices will hear. Since the death ofin 2020, the liberal justices’ agenda-setting power has waned along with their sway in the big cases.
In the latest term the three Democratic appointees publicly dissented four times from their colleagues’ vote not to take up a case. In October they wanted to reverse a decision against a black man sentenced to death by jurors for killing his estranged wife , his son and her daughter from another relationship. Three members of the all-white jury “expressed firm opposition to interracial marriage and procreation” .
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